Amid these proceedings,
various Committee Members, most eloquently your chairman, have
spoken about the need to preserve, protect and defend the American
rule of law. No one who has heard those remarks can fail to be
alarmed by the vision of a breakdown of the nation's fundamental
legal framework, a vision exemplified by the knock at the door at 3
a.m. But the question before us is this: which represents the
greater threat to the rule of law, the impeachment of President
Clinton or the refusal to impeach him?
Those who support impeachment
naturally think that the latter, refusing to impeach, is the
greater threat. Allow a President to get away with suspected
perjury and obstruction of justice, and, supposedly, Congress will
countenance an irreparable tear in the seamless web of American
justice. Impeach the President and, supposedly, the rule of law
will be vindicated, if only in a symbolic way, proving
forcefully that no American, not
even the president, is above the law, and that the ladder of the
law has no top and no bottom.
It will
increase public cynicism about the rule of law.
Yet this argument is
nonsense, logically and historically. As virtually every
commentator before you has noted, American impeachment procedures
have never been designed to try and to punish officeholders for
criminal behavior. That is what trials before our courts are for --
local, state, and federal. If anyone were to claim that, short of a
pardon, President Clinton is forever immune from prosecution, that
would indeed represent a breakdown in the rule of law. But no one,
not even among the President's staunchest supporters, has come
close to suggesting as much. For his alleged crimes and
misdemeanors, President Clinton remains highly vulnerable to any
number of legal actions. He could be tried by a jury of his peers
in a court of law once he leaves office. He could be sanctioned by
Judge Susan Weber Wright if she holds that he gave false and
misleading evidence in his deposition in the Paula Jones case. He
could be disbarred. In short, he is decidedly not above the
law.
Impeachment is reserved for a very
select group of Americans, our highest officeholders and justices.
It is not designed to root out crime -- for that, again, is the
responsibility of the police and the courts -- but to root out
severe abuses of power that pertain to those offices. To confuse
the issue by conflating impeachment with ordinary judicial
procedures is to do a deep disservice to our Constitution. It is
also to denigrate the fundamental strength of the citizenry's basic
devotion to the principles and practices of our American court
system -- something which the failure to impeach President Clinton
will not affect one iota, especially since, under that system, he
will have gotten away with exactly nothing.
But what about the threat that this
impeachment process poses to the rule of law? This entire procedure
raises questions, beginning with the independent counsel law under
which it began. By establishing prosecutors with unlimited
resources, whose reputations depend upon bringing down their prey,
the law encourages the remorseless search for the least bit of
evidence of any sort of violation, no mater how technical, in the
hope that something, anything might stick. We witnessed that
process at work in the Iran-Contra affair, when Lawrence Walsh
['32] saw his prosecution of Oliver North for lying to Congress
fail miserably when brought before a Washington jury. We witnessed
it at work last week, when after spending $17 million of the
taxpayers' money, Donald Smaltz saw all thirty counts he brought
against Michael Espy get rejected by a jury. And, when all is said
and done, I believe we will see that a similar process has been at
work along the long and winding road that began with Whitewater and
has brought us to this chamber today. As Jeffrey Rosen of the
George Washington University Law School wrote recently in The
New York Times, "If House Republicans fail to heed the lessons
of the Espy investigation, our faith in the rule of law may be
shaken in ways that we can only begin to imagine."
There are those who agree that the
independent counsel law has gotten out of hand, but who protest
that as long as it is in force, nothing can be done to stop the
process. This is hogwash. There is nothing in the Independent
Counsel law or in the Constitution which dictates that Congress is
duty-bound to follow through to the bitter end each and every
referral, especially if Members believe that the Independent
Counsel statute is flawed. To paraphrase Brendan Sullivan, Oliver
North's attorney, during the Iran-Contra hearings, Congress is
not a potted plant. In the case
of President Clinton, Congress decided to press ahead, rashly I
believe. But it can always choose to take another direction as it
sees fit. In any event, responsibility for what occurs must rest
with the Congress itself, and not with some mythic unalterable
process initiated under a law that may very well soon be dropped or
radically amended.
But there is something even more
dangerous afoot, and it has to do with the increasingly cavalier
attitude surrounding this impeachment here in Washington, and
especially in the House of Representatives. To say that impeachment
doesn't really matter because the Senate will acquit President
Clinton is to take a frighteningly myopic view of the costs
involved for the nation in pressing forward with a Senate trial.
Even if the Senate does acquit, the trial will inspire widespread
revulsion at Congress, for extending a nauseating process that the
voters have repeatedly instructed Congress should cease. More
important, it will increase public cynicism about the rule of law
by raising serious questions about how easily prosecutors can
manipulate criminal charges and judicial proceedings for partisan
ends.
I
began these remarks by discussing
President Clinton's accountability for the current impeachment
mess. By equivocating before the American people and before a
federal grand jury, not to mention before his family and friends,
he has disgraced the presidency and badly scarred his reputation.
He has apologized and asked for forgiveness.
But now, as mandated by the
Constitution, the matter rests with you, the Members of the House
of Representatives. You may decide, as a body, to go through with
impeachment, disregarding the letter as well as the spirit of the
Constitution, defying the deliberate judgment of the people whom
you are supposed to represent and, in some cases, deciding
to do so out of anger and expedience.
But if you decide to do this, you will have done far more to
subvert respect for the Framers, for representative government, and
for the rule of law than any crime that has been alleged against
President Clinton. And your reputations will be darkened for as
long as there are Americans who can tell the difference between the
rule of law and the rule of politics.
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